Classical Studies
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Item An Analysis of the Surface Area of the Western Roman Empire until CE 476(University of Waterloo, 2012-10-01T15:42:33Z)In 1968, Rein Taagepera created growth curves of four empires by measuring the surface area of each and plotting his data on a graph of area versus time. He used his growth curves to analyse the development of empires quantitatively, as he considered surface area to be the best measurable indicator of an empire’s strength. His growth curve of the Roman Empire, in particular, has been referenced numerous times by scholars researching the decline and fall of complex civilizations to support their individual analyses of the collapse of Rome. While this thesis surveys only the territories of the Western Roman Empire, many of the parameters used by Taagepera have been either borrowed or adapted in order to define, measure, and graph the surface area of the Western Empire as precisely as possible. This thesis also adds further precision and validity to Bryan Ward-Perkins’ theory that surface area can be used to analyse and quantify the collapse of a complex society accurately. In order to demonstrate the extent to which differing circumstances and outcomes of provincial history impacted the total surface area of the Western Roman Empire, it was essential to include not only an overview of Rome’s extensive history, but also to establish the chronology, as it related to the Roman Empire, of each individual province, territory, and client kingdom within the Western Empire. Detailed chronologies of Noricum and Britannia have been included to serve as case studies as they comprise a broad range of distinct characteristics and so represent typical western provinces. My research of the history and geography of the Roman Empire has generated a comprehensive inventory that includes all the pertinent onomastic and chronological data needed to measure the surface area of each of Rome’s western provinces and client kingdoms. When plotted on a graph of area versus time, my data not only produced an accurate representation of the actual surface area of the Western Roman Empire, but also one that facilitates temporal analyses of territorial fluctuations at any given point in the Empire’s history until the fall of the Western Empire in CE 476.Item Augustus, Egypt, and Propaganda(University of Waterloo, 2012-05-24T20:28:03Z)Augustus was a master of propaganda who employed Ancient and Hellenized Egypt as a means to legitimize his newly acquired power in Rome after the Battle of Actium. This thesis examines the ways in which Augustus moulded the people, imagery and religion of Egypt to suit his political needs. This was accomplished through an examination of the modified imagery of major Egyptian political figures such as Julius Caesar, Mark Antony, and Cleopatra VII. The symbolism of their images was altered to enhance Augustus’ standing in Rome. Augustus’ inspirations were also considered, namely Alexander the Great who became a significant influence for Augustus as was evident through the various similarities in their seal rings, family history, and the nature of both their roles as ‘restorers’ and ‘saviours’. The most predominant source for evidence of Augustus’ use of Egypt was found in his transportation of monumental obelisks from Egypt into the Circus Maximus and the Campus Martius. These monuments served to beautify the city while justifying Augustus’ authority in Rome. A close second to the transportation of the monumental architecture of Egypt was Augustus’ representation of the Battle of Actium upon his coinage. The battle was depicted typically with a tethered crocodile, stalks of wheat, a lituus, and a bareheaded Augustus. These actions augmented the prestige of Rome and presented Augustus as a powerful and reliable leader. In terms of religion, Augustus welcomed the practice of Egyptian cults while protecting the physical presence of Rome’s traditional religious core, the pomerium. This appealed to worshippers of both traditional and foreign cults and further enhanced his favour in Rome. Ultimately, Augustus’ actions served to increase his own prestige and credibility. This allowed Augustus to legitimize the authority of his rule and to initiate the beginnings of a stable Roman empire that would endure through Tiberius’ reign and those to follow.Item Celtic, Roman, and Everything in Between: The Evolution of the Sacred in Romano-Celtic Wales(University of Waterloo, 2021-08-26)Celtic religion is usually summarized with a quick discussion of druidic practices and human sacrifice. The actual ancient religion of the Insular Celtic populations was a lot more complicated. This thesis introduces the ancient Celtic religion practiced in Wales and discusses how the cultures of the Celtic and the Roman peoples interacted during their co-occupation of the British Isles, with emphasis on the evolution of the beliefs and practices which were considered sacred to those inhabiting the land. The syncretism of Celtic and Roman religious activity (beginning in 43 BCE until the arrival of Christianity around 200 CE) is difficult to separate in some instances because of the substantial similarities in the practices and beliefs. Hybridity of the sacred in ancient Wales can be seen in the historical written records of the Roman peoples, the archaeological evidence remaining in Britain, and in the socio-cultural outcomes which can be seen in the written medieval Welsh chwedlau (tales). While the Roman authors generally speak on the druids, the philosophical beliefs, and sacred practices of the Celtic peoples, the archaeological finds and epigraphic evidence provide more insight into the deities worshipped in Britain by both Roman and Celtic individuals, as well as some cultic customs. Later works, written by Welsh scribes, reveal (traditionally oral) mythologies and their portrayal on topics such as Celtic deities, the Otherworld and its inhabitants, and various Celtic festivals. The findings of this thesis have concluded that the practices of the Roman people did not displace those of the Celts completely but that the cultural and sacred practices of the Celts were integrated into the traditions of the Romans.Item The Chester 'Command' System c. 71-96 C.E.(University of Waterloo, 2020-01-13)This thesis centres on the operations of the Chester ‘command’ system in the region of North Wales, roughly from the first year in which Petilius Cerialis served as the governor of Britain to the death of Emperor Domitian. Despite the several auxiliary forts that were occupied simultaneously during this period, seven military stations have been selected to demonstrate the direct application of Roman rule in the region imposed by a fortified network of defences and communications: the legionary fortress of Chester, the fortress at Wroxeter, the fort at Forden Gaer, along with Caersws II, Pennal, Caernarfon, and Caerhun. After the fortress at Wroxeter was abandoned c. 90 C.E. the fortress of Chester held sole legionary authority and administered control over the auxiliary units stationed in North Wales and the Welsh midlands. Each fort within this group was strategically positioned to ensure the advantages of its location and environment were exploited. The sites of Wroxeter, Forden Gaer, Caersws II, and Pennal were not only placed on the same road (RR64) to maintain a reliable communications system across the Severn valley, but the paths through which indigenous people could travel north or south were limited as each military post controlled access to the preferred land routes over the River Severn and the River Dyfi. The fortress at Chester, and the forts of Caerhun and Caernarfon, however, were northern coastal sites that utilised large ships for transport and for their garrisons to exchange goods between one another. While no naval base has been officially identified on the west coast of Wales, Pennal was accessible to ships and a 17th century description of a potential Roman port facility near the site suggests provisions were also imported by this fort. Each military station described here was designed to preserve Roman political and military supremacy in North Wales beyond the late-1st century C.E.Item The Chronology of the Desecration of the Temple and the Prophecies of Daniel 7–12 Reconsidered(Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 2019-12-01)Generations of scholars have been puzzled by the chronological time frame that the Seleukid prophecies of Daniel 7–12 are structured around. Basic to the problem is Dan 11.40–45, which clearly implies that the author did not know when and how Antiochos IV died. This seemed to warrant the terminus ante quem of late 164 BC, with the result that the prophet had not yet seen the effective turn in the Maccabaean revolt against the king, let alone the purification of the Jerusalem temple on 25 Kislev 148 SE (ca. 14 Dec. 164 BC). The present study suggests relating this terminus only to Dan 10–11, while allowing for a later composition of the remaining Seleukid prophecies. Based on a chronological revision of the First and Second Book of Maccabees, a plausible timeline can be presented that is compatible with every historical implication of Dan 7–9 and 12. Accordingly, the apocalyptic final year week started with the replacement of Jason as high priest by his rival Menelaos in 171/70 BC; the temple was pillaged by Antiochos IV in summer 169 BC, and Seleukid forces expelled Jason from Jerusalem in 168 BC. The cataclysmic final three-and-a-half years started with the arrival of the commander Apollonios in Jerusalem in May or June 167 BC, followed by the issue of Antiochos’ religious edict around October 167 BC. The pinnacle of the religious persecution was reached with the sacrifice to Zeus Olympios in the temple of Yahweh on 25 Kislev 145 SEB (December 167 BC). Nearly all prophecies regard the purification of the temple as the end point of the crisis. Only the addendum Dan 12.12 alludes to an event that happened 45 days later, perhaps the completion of the fortifications against the royal garrison and the Judaean collaborators on the Akra of Jerusalem. Dan 7–9 and 12 were likely composed by the end of January 163 BC, to supersede Dan 10–11, which had become obsolete after the king’s death. The two groups of Seleukid prophecies were later merged when the collective memory of the events was fading away (before 100 BC).Item The Conversion of the Anglo-Saxon Laity, 597-798(University of Waterloo, 2021-04-30)Conversion in the middle ages was driven by many factors depending on the time and place the conversion was occurring. This is often wrongly summarized by explaining that once a king converted his subjects would follow suit. This paper explores how the conversion process took place throughout Anglo-Saxon England and shows that while a king’s conversion certainly aided the process of converting the kingdom, it was not the sole deciding factor. In order to accomplish this, the study analyzes both the traditional sources, Bede’s Historia Ecclesiastica and the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, which focus on the royalty and kings. In addition to these traditional sources, this study also uses material such as hagiographies, poetry, arts, and human remains in order to gain a broader perspective on the conversion effort than that conveyed in the traditional written sources. By analyzing these additional sources, this paper shows that the conversion process was highly complex as it sought to adapt and adjust Christian practices and teachings to make sense within the Anglo-Saxon cultural framework.Item The Course of Pharnakes II’s Pontic and Bosporan Campaigns in 48/47 BC(University of Toronto Press, 2020-11-01)Appian’s account of Pharnakes’ Pontic campaign (Mithr. 120.590–595) conveys the impression that the king of the Bosporos started his attack on Asia Minor by attacking Sinope from the sea. The end of the narrative, however, raises some doubts as to whether the king had a fleet at his disposition. It is therefore a plausible hypothesis that Pharnakes’ land forces had marched through Kolchis to invade Asia Minor. The Bellum Alexandrinum (34–78) and Cassius Dio (42.45–47) confirm this view and allow us to complete the picture. Seeming contradictions disappear, once we concede that Armenia (Minor) denoted the entire former Mithradatic territory in Anatolia east of the river Halys, or at least east of the river Iris. Pharnakes progressed along the south-eastern coast of the Black Sea, much of which was then ruled by the Galatian King Deiotaros, before turning south at the mouth of the Iris. This way, he reached northern Kappadokia, but withdrew to Pontic Armenia after the diplomatic intervention of the proconsul Cn. Domitius Calvinus. When negotiations failed, Pharnakes defeated the Romans and their Galatian and Kappadokian allies at Nikopolis, whence he expanded further west into Paphlagonian Pontos. News of Asandros’ revolt in the Bosporos caused his army to march back east, but the unexpected arrival of Caesar induced him to turn back once more. In the meantime, he ordered allied forces to gather on the Taman peninsula, while Asandros was extending his control over the European parts of the kingdom. Beaten by Caesar at Zela, Pharnakes fled to Sinope, and was so desperate to escape Calvinus that he killed the last 1,000 horses, to evacuate their riders by sea on randomly confiscated ships. Together with his allies, he was able to retake Theodosia and Pantikapaion, but was defeated regardless by Asandros no later than early September 47 BC. Appian’s account thus emerges as largely reliable regarding facts, whereas distortions are due to his arbitrary selection of details and skewed causalities. These are best explained with the literary design of his narrative and its underlying moral lesson.Item Deiotaros Philorhomaios, Pontos und Kolchis(Franz Steiner Verlag, 2020-12-01)Towards the end of the Third Mithradatic War (64 BC), Pompey promoted the Tolistobogian tetrarch Deiotaros to become the most powerful king of Asia Minor. Strabo describes his new territories as follows (Geogr. 12.3.13 [547C]): ‘the other (part of the Gadilonitis) Pompey gave to Deiotaros, such as the areas around Pharnakeia and Trapezus, up to Kolchis and Armenia Minor (μέχρι Κολχίδος καὶ τῆς μικρᾶς ᾿Αρμενίας)’. One can precisely specify these territories. A first argument addresses the chora of the exclave Amisos, which was likely limited by the Iris River before Actium. A second argument suggests that there was a land bridge between Galatia and the Gadilonitis along the Halys, as well as an inland connection between the latter and the major parts of the Pontic realm. Scholars are divided regarding the meaning of μέχρι: most consider it exclusive, assuming that Kolchis never belonged to Deiotaros’ kingdom (where Pompey appointed a certain Aristarchos), whereas Armenia Minor was supposedly given to him only later in 59 BC. Others try to overcome the difficulties by emending the text to μέχρι Κολχίδος καὶ τ<ὴν> μικρ<ὰν> ᾿Αρμενία<ν>, thus accepting Armenia Minor as granted by Pompey, while denying Kolchis. However, neither solution is convincing, because a comparison with the description of the territories conquered by Mithradates VI Eupator (Geogr. 12.3.1 [541C]) or granted to Polemon I and Pythodoris (Geogr. 11.2.18 [499C]) firmly proves that Strabo considered Kolchis a part of Deiotaros’ assignment. The Galatian king hence appears to have held at least a supervisory function over Kolchis, possibly resulting in some tension with Aristarchos. The latter’s role as a vassal was probably like that of the Tektosagian Kastor Tar kondarios, the Trokmian Brogitaros and the Paphlagonian dynasts Pylaimenes and Attalos.Item Dionysian Semiotics: Myco-Dendrolatry and Other Shamanic Motifs in the Myths and Rituals of the Phrygian Mother(University of Waterloo, 2013-09-04T15:48:37Z)The administration of initiation rites by an ecstatic specialist, now known to western scholarship by the general designation of ‘shaman’, has proven to be one of humanity’s oldest, most widespread, and continuous magico-religious traditions. At the heart of their initiatory rituals lay an ordeal – a metaphysical journey - almost ubiquitously brought on by the effects of a life-changing hallucinogenic drug experience. To guide their initiates, these shaman worked with a repertoire of locally acquired instruments, costumes, dances, and ecstasy-inducing substances. Among past Mediterranean cultures, Semitic and Indo-European, these sorts of initiation rites were vital to society’s spiritual well-being. It was, however, the mystery schools of antiquity – organizations founded upon conserving the secrets of plant-lore, astrology, theurgy and mystical philosophy – which satisfied the role of the shaman in Greco-Roman society. The rites they delivered to the common individual were a form of ritualized ecstasy and they provided an orderly context for religiously-oriented intoxication. In the eastern Mediterranean, these ecstatic cults were most often held in honour of a great mother goddess and her perennially dying-and-rising consort. The goddess’ religious dramas enacted in cultic ritual stressed the importance of fasting, drumming, trance-inducing music, self-mutilation, and a non-alcoholic ritual intoxication. Far and wide the dying consort worshiped by these cults was a god of vegetation, ecstasy, revelation, and salvation; by ingesting his body initiates underwent a profound mystical experience. From what limited information has survived from antiquity, it appears that the rites practiced in the eastern mystery cults were in essence traditional shamanic ordeals remodeled to suit the psychological needs of Mediterranean civilization’s marginalized people. This paper argues that the myths of this vegetable god, so-called ‘the Divine Bridegroom,’ particularly in manifestation of the Phrygian Attis and the Greek Dionysus, is deeply rooted in the life-cycle, cultivation, treatment, consumption of a tree-born hallucinogenic mushroom, Amanita muscaria. The use of this mushroom is alive and well today among Finno-Ugric shaman and this paper explores their practices as one branch of Eurasian shamanism running parallel to, albeit in a different time, the rites of the Phrygian goddess. Using extant literary and linguistic evidence, I compare the initiatory cults long-assimilated into post-agricultural Mediterranean civilization with the hallucinogen-wielding shaman of the Russian steppe, emphasizing them both as facets of a prehistoric and pan-human magico-religious archetype.Item Dynamis in Rome? Revisiting the South Frieze of the Ara Pacis Augustae(Franz Steiner Verlag, 2020-12-01)The Senate voted to build the Ara Pacis to welcome home Augustus after restoring order in the western provinces, while Agrippa pursued a similar mission in the East. Agrippa had settled the turmoil in the Bosporus by arranging for Queen Dynamis to marry King Polemon of Pontos, thereby uniting the two realms. Brian Rose (1990) explained that two boys on the Ara Pacis who do not wear togas are foreign princes in Rome in 13 BC exactly when Augustus and Agrippa returned from their foreign tours. Rose considered the older boy on the south frieze an eastern prince, probably Aspurgos, the future king of the Bosporus. He speculated that Queen Dynamis had come to Rome with Agrippa, and that she is the woman who puts her hand on the boy’s head. Rose exposed the frailty of Giuseppe Moretti’s theory, who regarded the two boys as Gaius and Lucius Caesar dressed as Trojans. We agree with Ann Kuttner, Gaius Stern, John Pollini, Ilaria Romeo that the boys are barbarians, not Romans, but cannot accept the identifications with Dynamis and Aspurgos, (1) on prosopographical lines, because the placement of Dynamis on the Ara Pacis relies upon identifying her as the mother of Aspurgos, which claim the ancient sources do not support; (2) on practical terms, since Dynamis should have stayed in her kingdom to help Polemon consolidate his new throne (not speculation but positive evidence would be needed to counter this view); (3) iconographical ly, as the woman on the Ara Pacis does not closely resemble the image of Dynamis; (4) be cause Dynamis was a mature, middle-aged queen by 13 BC, as her portrait on two gold staters indicate, whereas the Ara Pacis teenager is far too young. She is actually Agrippa’s least famous daughter, wearing not a diadem, but a brill appropriate for a Roman teenage girl close to marrying age. Her hand is resting on the head of a Parthian prince, a ‘guest’ in Rome, hosted by the family of Agrippa.Item The Education of Demea in Terence’s Adelphi(University of Waterloo, 2011-09-07T14:47:16Z)The aim of this thesis was to gather an in-depth understanding of the changes in the role of the Roman father during the Middle Roman Republic by analyzing a play called The Adelphi by Terence. A literature review was conducted to highlight the divergent views on Roman and Greek education and fatherhood, and its application in Rome. When Rome came into contact with Greece in 241BC, controversy was sparked on how a Roman father should raise his sons. This conflict arose because Greek fathers tended to raise sons with kindness, fairness, and equity in contrast to the heavily traditional, stern, strict, and restrictive methods of Roman fathers. There was a recent debate among modern scholars on this topic; however, it has generally been agreed that the Roman father was no longer a cold and overcontrolling paternal figure in Middle Republic. Because of the scarcity of primary sources dating before the first century BCE, Terence's Adelphi is a valuable piece of evidence for understanding the 2nd Century BCE controversy that arose between those for and against all things Greek: philosophy, art, literature, mores, cultural norms and education. In his play, Terence contemplates this issue and concludes by presenting an ideal father as possessing a balance of both Roman conventional morals and paternal authority, and Greek kindness and fairness to foster affection and respect among family members. This is evident when the protagonist, the heavily traditional Roman father, Demea, initially having alienated his sons, changes his behaviour after adopting these Greek characteristics to earn back both his sons’ affection. The importance of this conclusion to the play suggests that Greek Philosophy and cultural mores began to influence Roman fatherhood and education as early as 160 BCE when the play was produced posthumously in Rome. More specifically, Terence’s play was one of the first social plays to impact Roman society by portraying an ideal image of a shofter, and gentler Roman father, who did not solely rely on the absolute power and control he possessed over his sons. Although there is primary evidence in literary works to support that the Adelphi continued to gain popularity in first century BCE with its Greek concepts of kindness, fairness, and equity in fatherhood and education, future archeological research of Roman family tombstones in Rome may further shed light on the issue concerning the extent to which Greek philosophy and mores influenced and impacted Roman society in the 2nd Century BCE.Item Ethnic Constructions in the Seleucid Military(University of Waterloo, 2015-08-25)This study examines the use and meaning of ethnic denominations in Hellenistic military contexts, both in literature and epigraphy. By analyzing the epigraphic records of the settlements which provided soldiers for Hellenistic (and particularly Seleucid) armies, the study shows that military units often operated under a single ethnic denomination (i.e. “Macedonian”) while including members from a variety of ethnic backgrounds, and thus that units’ use of ethnic terminology often represented a preservation of tradition rather than an indication of its members’ geographic or genealogical origin.Item Family Matters: Gender and Family in Seneca's Phaedra(University of Waterloo, 2019-04-30)Seneca the Younger, writing in the early Roman Empire, is the only known Roman tragedian whose works survive. His Phaedra, considered to be one of his earlier tragedies, is centered on the royal family of Athens, consisting of the hero Theseus, his current wife Phaedra, and his son, Hippolytus. Each of these three main characters exhibit shifts in their portrayed gender as the play unfolds. Hippolytus, first introduced as a hunter and strong leader, becomes hunted by his stepmother Phaedra, making him the passive participant in their relationship. This passive role was considered to be the feminine role by the ancient Romans. Theseus, the Athenian hero known for slaying the Minotaur of Crete, stays within the masculine sphere, but shows the full breadth of masculinity. His role as a hero both contrasts and compliments his roles as father and husband. Theseus’ heroic identity causes him to exhibit a damaging form of hyper-masculinity; within his family, he shows a more benign masculine character. Phaedra, for her part, uses the feminine roles of virgin, wife, and mother to conceal her strong masculine traits. She is an apt hunter, choosing to die that she might continue to hunt Hippolytus in the underworld after his tragic death. Seneca, in writing this incestuous myth for a Roman audience, displays the consequences of gender subversion and the tragic effect this has on the royal family of Athens.Item Female Sex-Workers in Rome: Agency and Self-Representation(University of Waterloo, 2022-10-31)This project addresses the notion that female sex-workers at Rome wore the toga. The toga was a symbol of masculine responsibility, authority, political involvement, and citizenship. Focusing on legal, literary, and material evidence from Rome’s late Republic to early Imperial period, this investigation primarily uses an intersectional feminist lens to examine the ways in which female sex-workers exercised agency. We examine first the legal climate in which sex-worker and clothing existed during this period, and discuss avenues of agency available to sex-workers in the realm of Rome’s legal constraints. We also consider the Ars Amatoria and other Latin literary sources for evidence of the toga as a symbol which changes meaning based on its wearer, and the wearer as being perceived differently based on their clothing. In the literature we encounter diametrically opposed archetypes of matron and whore, and understand that sex-workers were able to manage their appearance and behaviour agentively to defy or align themselves with these identities. Finally, the Lupanar, or Purpose-Built Brothel of Pompeii will be examined as well, since it boasts an enormous amount of evidence for a sex-worker’s daily life, and through graffiti demonstrates evidence of self-narration, reclamation of identity and sexual agency. We conclude by discussing how toga-wearing asserted personal identity, action, and group affiliation, and is therefore consistent with other agentive avenues used by sex-workers.Item From Wool to Warp and Weft: Approaching Ancient Greek Textile Work through Experimental Archaeology(University of Waterloo, 2022-01-19)Due to the perishable nature of the work performed by women throughout much of ancient history, little physical evidence survives to study directly. This research is an exploration of the process of wool-working employed by the Greek women of the fourth and fifth centuries B.C.E. Through both academic research and hands-on experimental archaeology, the steps of wool fibre processing were examined and re-created. The aim of this project was twofold. The first goal was to follow the life cycle of sheep wool from a raw fleece to a finished piece of cloth and learn about the practical aspects and history of textile work. The second goal was to reveal the social implications of this domestic work and the role it played in the social lives of the people who performed it.Item Gallo-Roman Relations under the Early Empire(University of Waterloo, 2013-08-30T18:04:57Z)This paper examines the changing attitudes of Gallo-Romans from the time of Caesar's conquest in the 50s BCE to the start of Vespasian's reign in 70-71 CE and how Roman prejudice shaped those attitudes. I first examine the conflicted opinions of the Gauls in Caesar's time and how they eventually banded together against him but were defeated. Next, the activities of each Julio-Claudian emperor are examined to see how they impacted Gaul and what the Gallo-Roman response was. Throughout this period there is clear evidence of increased Romanisation amongst the Gauls and the prominence of the region is obvious in imperial policy. This changes with Nero's reign where Vindex's rebellion against the emperor highlights the prejudices still effecting Roman attitudes. This only becomes worse in the rebellion of Civilis the next year. After these revolts, the Gallo-Romans appear to retreat from imperial offices and stick to local affairs, likely as a direct response to Rome's rejection of them.Item Gender Interplay in Nonnos' Dionysiaka: The Cases of Deriades and Aura(University of Waterloo, 2018-08-22)This thesis presents the relation between the gendered language of Nonnos and the ironic undertones he employs to describe two main plot points in the Dionysiaka. I focus on Dionysos’ battle with Deriades, the Indian king, and Aura, the titan goddess of the breeze. In my first section, I argue that the irony employed to describe the death of Deriades is based on misperceptions of gender identity as he understands the world. Due to his fixity on the masculine extreme of the gender spectrum, Deriades has created a skewed view of the world which led to his demise by the gender-fluid Dionysos. His false perception is reflected in the text when Athena disguises herself as Morrheus, Deriades’ son-in-law, and comes to taunt him for fleeing the battle with Dionysos. Athena is herself a gender-fluid goddess as the masculine virgin goddess of Truth/Wisdom. Her disguise symbolises the loss of true understanding. For my second section, I examine the implications of the total loss of gender identity as experienced by Aura. Her identification as a masculine female skews her perception of the world and results in committing a crime of hubris against Artemis. Her masculinised persona leads her to become the voyeur of Artemis. Artemis herself is a gender-fluid goddess due to her masculine attributes as huntress. But she is mainly the goddess of female sexuality and its potential to produce life. Aura’s crime against Artemis is symbolically a crime against femininity itself. Her punishment for her voyeurism is to be raped by Dionysos and become a mother. Motherhood symbolises the realisation of femininity which Aura despises. Yet her rape is not the only punishment she receives. Indeed, I argue that her punishment also includes becoming the voyeur of herself and then becoming the object of voyeurism for eternity when she is turned into a spring.Item Gesta Principium: A Study of the Frankish and Turkic-Syrian Field Armies at the Battle of Dorylaeum, 1097 AD(University of Waterloo, 2022-01-19)The purpose of this study is to showcase the Battle of Dorylaeum, fought between the Frankish invading forces of the First Crusade and the defending Turkic-Syrian armies of late eleventh-century Anatolia, as a military engagement between these two factions which outlines the unfamiliar nature of their styles of combat. After providing a brief history of the First Crusade in Chapter One, as well as outlining several key military engagements leading up to Dorylaeum itself, Chapter Two delves into a military-analytical study of Dorylaeum, outlining the favoured battle tactics of both Frankish and Turkic-Syrian field armies at maximal strengths and using examples from the Battle of Dorylaeum itself. A secondary study, the observation and survey of troop numbers present at the engagement as put forward by both primary and secondary sources, is conducted in an attached Appendix.Item Girls Gone Wild: A Speculative 3D Rendering of the Lesser Attalid Monument Amazonomachy(University of Waterloo, 2019-04-30)Using the surviving historical and archaeological remains, as well as contemporary stylistic reference, this thesis reconstructs one battle of the lost Lesser Attalid Monument in its entirety. This is done through digital 3D models created in free online software (Blender). The battle chosen is the Amazonomachy, consisting of 24 individual figural sculptures, with main stylistic reference taken from the Mausoleum at Halicarnassus, the temple of Apollo Bassitas, and the Parthenon Amazonomachy. The intent of the project is to recreate both a sense of the visual reality that existed, as well as the potential emotional impacts it would have had on its audience. The goal is that the final result will be of interest to a wide audience, including art historians, reconstruction specialists, and digital artists. By providing an accurate and interactive reconstruction, this project can act as a base for scholars in several different disciplines to work from.Item Gregory of Nazianzus: carmen II. 1. 22: An Edition and Commentary(University of Waterloo, 2012-08-29T14:42:11Z)Gregory of Nazianzus (ca. AD 330-390) was one of the most learned men of his time and is one of the most important theologians of the early Christian Church. His orations, letters and poetry were widely studied and greatly copied in the Middle Ages. However, there is a lack of modern scholarship on Gregory's poetry, which is why there is such need for this thesis, a study of carm. II 1. 22, with introduction and commentary. The introduction focuses primarily on aspects of carm. II. 1. 22 while outlining the events of Gregory's life and situating the poem within them. The commentary is largely linguistic with autobiographical and historical features discussed and brief mention of theological matters.